Lancaster at War

Farmers High School of Pennsylvania, 1859 (?)
(Penn State Archives, Source)

In 1861, the Farmers' High School of Pennsylvania graduated its first class, which consisted of eleven students who studied there three years to earn a Bachelor of Scientific Agriculture degree. Among them was John W. Eckman, whose father Joseph ran the St. Charles Furnace in Columbia. The founding of Farmers' High, which was renamed the Agricultural College of Pennsylvania a year later and eventually Penn State University, reflects a growing interest in scientifically managing agriculture and industry--a trend alive and well in Civil War era Lancaster County considering the founding of the Linnaean Society and the publication of The Lancaster Farmer by Simon Snyder Rathvon.

On August 28, 1862, Eckman joined a special cavalry unit known as the Anderson Troop--a company recruited at the war's outbreak to serve as bodyguard to Gen. Robert Anderson of Fort Sumter fame--as it expanded to a full regiment, the 15th Pennsylvania Cavalry. The unit continued its special relationship with the commanding officer of the Army of the Ohio and then Cumberland, and served as headquarters guards and orderlies. Another of Eckman's classmates, Milton S. Lytle (whose diary is in PSU Special Collections), also joined the "Anderson Cavalry."


Maj. Adolph Rosengarten 15th Pa Cavalry (Source)

In the days after Christmas 1862, the 15th Pennsylvania Cavalry--actually about 300 of them, as the rest refused to go due to a lack of officers--was among the lead elements of the Union army as it advanced towards Murfreesboro. On December 29, the regiment attacked Confederate infantry near Wilkinson's Cross Roads, gallantly charging but suffering many casualties including its two commanders, Majors Rosengarten and Ward. In his letter published in the January 16, 1863, Daily Evening Express (link), Eckman wrote,

On the 29th we had a severe fight with infantry. We made a charge (150 of us only) through a piece of woods, and the rebels, 2000 strong, were posted behind the fence. The only way we could get at them was by riding close to the fence and firing down on them--which we did, and I know my carbine sent a man reeling into eternity. We took several prisoners, but how many we killed I can't say. But we paid dearly for it: both Majors fell--one dead, the other mortally wounded, who has since died; ten others fell dead, and many wounded. We fell back discouraged and disheartened, leaving the dead, and all the wounded who could not get away, in their hands. Two of my mess wounded, one taken prisoner, a fourth had his horse killed, and two escaped unhurt, I being one of them. That fight brought on the battle of Murfreesboro, which I think will prove one of the severest that has yet occurred.

After the war, Eckman continued in his father's footsteps and ran the Montgomery Furnace in Port Kennedy near Norristown, PA. His name also pops up for serving as Treasurer for the Valley Forge Centennial Association, a delegate to the Republican National Convention, and as an alternate delegate at national Grand Army of the Republic encampments.

St. Charles Furnace, Columbia
(Ellis and Evans, 1883)

Like several Lancaster soldiers I've encountered, business ventures took Eckman back to the South near where he had marched as a soldier. In the 1880s, Eckman moved (although he might have maintained residence in Pennsylvania) to Pulaski, Virginia, a town deep in the Shenandoah Valley near Blacksburg known for being rich in minerals. He became general manager of the Pulaski Iron Works, which was known as southwest Virginia's first modern pig iron blast furnace and worked there until 1912. There's even a funny story you can read in the regimental history on page 533 about how courthouse records there were lost when the 15th Pennsylvania Cavalry came through in 1865, and how the locals took advantage of this to bury Eckman in lawsuits over land ownership when he tried to run Pulaski Iron Works there decades after the war.

Related Links:

Post on 1861 letter from soldier in Anderson Troop from Strasburg
Regimental history of the 15th Pennsylvania Cavalry, containing several accounts of the Battle of Stones River
In 1911, Eckman returned to Penn State for Commencement Week and a celebration of fiftieth anniversary of the school's first class, of whom seven including Eckman were present.
A January 14, 1863, article in the Express lists seventeen Lancasterians in the Anderson Troop and also mentions Jacob B. Garber, Jr., son of a "distinguished agriculturalist" of Lancaster County and Class of 1862 graduate of the Agricultural College of Pennsylvania.

An overdue post on the 79th Pennsylvania at Stones River. Be sure to also read accounts of the battle on the "Battle Files" page.

Kurz and Allison illustration of the Battle of Stones River (Source)

After successfully checking the Confederate invasion of Kentucky at the Battle of Perryville, the Union army pursued the Confederates south and celebrated Christmas in Nashville, Tennessee. Under pressure from Washington to create positive headlines after the disaster at Fredericksburg, Gen. William S. Rosecrans, the new commander of the Union army which was renamed the Army of the Cumberland, led his army out of its camps at Nashville on December 26, 1862. The 79th Pennsylvania found itself towards the rear and center of the army as part of Col. John C. Starkweather's brigade of Maj. Gen. Lovell Rousseau's division of Maj. Gen. George H. Thomas's center wing.

The Lancaster County Regiment experienced its first excitement of the campaign on December 30 when Confederate Gen. Joseph Wheeler's cavalry brigade attacked the wagons of Starkweather's brigade. The Fortunately for the Pennsylvanians, luck and Quartermaster Lewis Zecher's good management saved the regiment's wagons from capture, and Starkweather ordered a countermarch and formed his brigade to drive off the Confederate cavalrymen.

Starkweather then proceeded to the battlefield the next day--December 31, the first day of the Battle of Stones River--passing bands of Union soldiers retreating from the battlefield who spoke of disaster. Sergt. Sigmund E. Wisner wrote that although the Lancasterians were skeptical that the battle was lost, the men marched silently and "despondency was depicted upon each countenance." The brigade arrived on the battlefield in the evening, taking a position in woods in the center rear of the Union lines where they would spend the night without blankets or fire.

New Years Day passed without either army making a move. Starkweather's position changed little, occupying wooded terrain between General Johnson's division and the Nashville and Murfreesboro turnpike.

Map of Battle of Stones River, Jan. 2, 1863
The 79th Pa was part of Thomas' Corps positioned
at the Union center near the Nashville Turnpike.

Shortly after dawn on January 2, Rousseau's artillery came under fire and Confederates began to stir across from the Union center. Starkweather's brigade was ordered up to the front lines to support the artillery. While moving forward to this position, a rebel artillery shell tore through Company G, killing Corp. Mark Erb and wounding Pvts. Samuel Pickel and Isaac Quigley.

The 79th Pennsylvania spent the rest of the day lying in deep mud behind Battery A, 1st Michigan Light Artillery. Blankets and rations were scarce, and almost every account of the battle mentions how they survived the couple days on meat from the dead horses. Several of the accounts even reviewed the meat as surprisingly good. Elsewhere on the battlefield, Confederates attacked the Union left but were decisively repulsed by a line of artillery and Union counterattack.

Companies C, E, H, and I, 79th Pennsylvania, spent a quiet but nervous night on the picket line, enduring cold and rain without fires. As dawn broke on January 3, the Lancasterians were surprised to find that Confederate infantry and artillery had advanced overnight, and began to open fire on the 79th Pa pickets at an uncomfortably close distance of 300 yards. Three men from Company E were wounded in the retreat back to the main line, which now occupied (along with knee-deep mud) trenches dug by army engineers.

Later that day, as one of the last actions of the battle, Starkweather's brigade supported an effort led by Rousseau to clear the woods to their front of annoying sharpshooters. As the 79th Pa advanced toward one group of sharpshooters, Pvt. John Shroy of Company A was killed.

That night, Confederate Gen. Braxton Bragg withdrew his Confederate army from the battlefield, fearing additional Union reinforcements and the threat of a rising river that could split his command. Rosecrans moved his victorious army into Murfreesboro, where it camped for most of the rest of the winter and spring.

Nationally, the battle provided sorely needed good news after the Army of the Potomac's setbacks. For the 79th Pennsylvania, it served as an introduction to the miseries of trench warfare, even if the regiment suffered much lighter casualties than it had at Stones River. Several weeks after the battle, Lieut. W. Wilberforce Nevin (bio) documented this new type of warfare:

The space between the town [of Murfreesboro]and our lines was won inch by inch, crawling now, and now charging through a sheet of flame. Many a brave men fell merely in gaining a few furrows. All the area of strife was covered by sharpshooters, and in the din of conflict their rifles were unseen and noiseless messengers of death. A convulsive plunge, and a stretched corpse with a little red spot in the forehead told the tale. Somebody had fallen, as unconscious as his neighbors of the direction of the fatal ball. All the fighting ground, for the most part ploughed fields, was ancle deep in mud, or worse. Charging was no more an impetuous dash, but just a steady march into the jaws of death. On this slippery, swimming ground, we had to eat and sleep. In the centre the approaches were covered by trenches dug secretly, and occupied by night. These, of course, under the rain became knee deep in a few hours with cold and dirty water, but in them night and day lay our indomitable troops, relieving each other, regiment by regiment, in the night. Too low to stand up in, to wet to sit down in, the wretched occupants had to remain bent and strained, or to kneel over thighs in water. A single peep over the embankment was a signal for a dozen bullets. In our eyes, scientific warfare is simply torture.

79th Pennsylvania Casualties at Stones River

Alleged image of William K. Patton
Sold in 2007 by Heritage Auctions

Killed in Action

Corp. Mark Erb, Company G (1/2/1863) Erb is listed in the 1860 census as a 19 year-old laborer on the farm of Emanuel Landis near Soudersburg, East Lampeter Township.
Pvt. John Shroy, Company A (1/3/1863) John F. Shroy is listed in the 1860 census as a 16 year-old plasterer living with Samuel and Elizabeth Shroy (presumably his parents) in Lancaster Township.

Mortally Wounded

Pvt. William K. Patton, Company H (1/3)--Died 1/13/1863
Pvt. Michael Brandt, Company E (1/3)--Died 1/20/1863

Wounded

Pvt. Samuel Pickel, Company G (1/2)
Pvt. Isaac Quigley, Company G (1/2)
Pvt. Benjamin Bones, Company E (1/3)
Sergt. J. H. Friday, Company E (1/3)
Corp. E. W. Hollinger, Company E (1/3)

Died of Disease

Pvt. William R. Kochel, Company E

Late on the night of February 1, 1863, Major General Lovell H. Rousseau arrived in Lancaster, Pennsylvania, for a brief but planned stop on a journey from Tennessee to New York. The general had received national attention as a loyal Democrat and border state warrior who helped secure Kentucky for the Union, but his Lancaster hosts knew the “gallant Rousseau” better for the men whom he commanded. Under Rousseau, the “Lancaster County Regiment”—more formally known as the 79th Pennsylvania Volunteer Infantry—had fought its first battle four months earlier near Perryville, Kentucky, on October 8, 1862. In that battle, the regiment lost over one-third of its number as casualties in a successful stand against repeated Confederate assaults.

After Rousseau's arrival was announced, an “immense concourse of citizens” gathered the next night to hear Rousseau at the Caldwell House in Lancaster. The 79th Pennsylvania's former regimental band, the Fencibles band, played a number of airs, including "Auld Lang Syne" and "Hail to the Chief." J. M. W. Geist, editor of the Express, remarked,

There was an appropriety in the occasion which was felt no less by the General than by every member of the Band. He had heard them play these same airs when both together shared the privations and dangers of the battle field, and they had seen the gallant soldier as cheers from the whole line indicated how warm a place the Kentucky patriot and soldier held in the hearts of the men of his Division. It was a meeting of old friends and a waking up of old reminiscences. And we need hardly add that the Band did full justice to its reputation on this interesting occasion.

The general responded by praising the Lancaster County Regiment, saying "a better drilled, more thoroughly disciplined, and braver body of men could not be found in the army." Furthermore, Lancaster should be proud of Col. Hambright, "for the rebels had never yet seen the backs of the 79th. P. V." Afterwards, Rousseau greeted many Lancasterians in the parlor of the Caldwell House, sought treatment for the throat ailment for which he was traveling to find a cure, and left the following morning on a train to Washington (not New York, as originally intended) in the company of journalist Josiah Rinehart Sypher and Lieut. Samuel L. Hartman--a 79th Pa officer on his staff.

Rousseau’s visit represented a public testimonial to the Lancaster County Regiment’s sacrifice at Perryville and the community’s commitment to remember it. It showed how a regiment’s participation in a battle, even one that received relatively little national attention, still impacted the community five hundred miles that sent it off to war. Presumably, this was an opportunity for at least a few men and women from families directly impacted by the Perryville casualty list to publicly remember their loss.

Another event taking place a few blocks away showed how a unit’s experience in battle could play upon notions of loyalty in that unit’s hometown. Instead of attending General Rousseau’s reception which coincided with the eve of city elections, many of Lancaster’s Democrats crowded Fulton Hall for a partisan political rally. Stuart A. Wylie, editor of one Republican paper, the Lancaster Daily Inquirer, could not resist comparing the two assemblages. After reviewing the courage of and sacrifices made by Rousseau, Wylie noted, “At one place we had a Kentuckian advising the people to be faithful, and a few minute’s walk distant, we had men counseling factious opposition and denunciation of the Government.” A letter to another Republican paper vilified Lancaster’s Mayor George Sanderson—a prominent Democrat and editor of the Lancaster Intelligencer—wondering if the mayor intentionally avoided the general because Rousseau, also a Democrat, was “too vigorous in his prosecution of the war…to be palatable to the very questionable political sensibilities of the Mayor.” The letter concluded, “‘Tis a burning shame that our city which has sent forth so many noble, patriotic sons…could not have a man as its chief magistrate who would extend the hand of fellowship and welcome to a General, who had so brilliantly led those sons—some to victory, and some to death! but all to glory!”

In addition to showing the notion of battlefield sacrifice as a central theme in commemorative appeals, General Rousseau’s visit illustrates a complex and evolving relationship between home front activities and support for soldiers from that community. From a purely political perspective, though, the parties generally desired to tether Lancaster County’s natural support for its own regiment to their own party platforms. Both Democrats and Republicans, who aligned with War Democrats to form the Union Party, attempted to appear as the regiment’s true home front advocate and the soldier’s friend. As the battle’s memory formed in the weeks and months succeeding October 1862, a variety of factors helped Republicans to depict the Democrats as outsiders looking in, as exemplified by accusations surrounding General Rousseau’s February 1863 visit.

Last summer I posted (link) about a series of auctions of that I missed related to Lancaster's Civil War history. Immediately after posting that, I was pleasantly surprised to hear from John P. Mulcahy, a direct descendant of Capt. Emanuel D. Roath (bio) who had been able to purchase the items related to Capt. Roath to return to the family.

John recently published an annotated version of the diary, which covers the year 1864 with the 107th Pennsylvania and Roath's experiences as a prisoner of war at Libby Prison. John has done a great job, and I recommend the book, A Fine Day -- The Civil War Diary of Captain Emanual D. Roath, 107th PA Volunteers, especially to anyone interested in what was previously the Union Army First Corps or in the social network and duties of a Civil War captain from a small town.

Regimental flag of the 76th Pennsylvania by Evans and Hassall (PA Capitol Preservation Committee)
One of the 79th Pennsylvania's "Lancaster flags" would have looked very similar to this one.

On February 23, 1863, three citizens of Lancaster arrived at the camp of the 79th Pennsylvania near Murfreesboro, Tennessee. Besides carrying a large box of articles and letters for distribution to men in the regiment, they carried another set of items eagerly anticipated by the regiment. A set of four beautiful flags purchased by the collected donations of Lancaster's citizens had finally arrived.

The idea for purchasing these flags seems to have had its origins in a proposal published in the November 18, 1862, Intelligencer, edited by Lancaster's Mayor George Sanderson. Sanderson proposed taking up a subscription at $1 each to purchase a new stand of colors for $200 to "show a proper appreciation" of the regiment's actions at the Battle of Perryville a month earlier. Within a week, the fund was over-subscribed and the colors were purchased from Evans & Hassall of Philadelphia. Extra money was donated to the Union Dorcas Society to provide relief for soldiers' families. [Intell 11/18/1862, DEE 1/24/1863]

The flags were completed and around the New Year arrived in Lancaster, where they were displayed in the court house. The January 6, 1863, Intelligencer described them:

The flags are four in number, the principal being the State flag; the second the regimental, (or National) and two small guide flags. The first is of blue silk and yellow silk fringe, with an eagle surrounded by a halo. From the claws of the eagle depends a scroll with the inscription--"Presented by citizens of Lancaster, Pa., to the 79th Regiment, P. V., for gallant conduct at Chaplin Hills, Ky., October 8th, 1862." On the reverse is the coat of arms of Pennsylvania, above which in a halo are the words in guilt letters--"Chaplin Hills, Ky., October 8th, 1862." Underneath, in a scroll, is the same inscription as on the first side. This flag is very handsome and strongly made, and free from an over quantity of paint which figures so many presentation flags."

The Regimental or National flag is made of strong heavy silk, bordered with yellow fringe. On the centre bar on both sides are the letters in gold--"79th Regiment P.V." The guide flags are of blue silk with yellow silk fringe, with the number of the regiment in gold letters.

Chosen to escort the colors to Tennessee were three men from the committee in charge of procuring the colors. Foremost among them was Lewis Haldy (bio), a fascinating man with a background in the freight and marble/tombstone business who tirelessly supported the Patriot Daughters of Lancaster and other aid operations in Lancaster during the war. Over the past year, he had already made three other trips to the seat of war (to the Pennsylvania Reserves in summer 1862, 79th PA after Perryville, and the 122nd PA in February 1863), delivering car loads of goods on behalf of the Patriot Daughters, making connections with Lancaster's soldiers in hospitals, and arranging logistics for bringing dozens of soldiers' remains back to Lancaster. Rounding out the committee were Andrew B. Meixell, a freight agent, and Robert A. Evans, a wealthy banker who later owned Rock Ford.

The flag presentation took place on March 1, 1863, delayed several days by rainy weather. The whole brigade, its commander Col. John C. Starkweather, and the regiment's former brigade commander Gen. James A. Negley all witnessed the presentation. Haldy "unwrapped and exposed to the eager gaze of every one the magnificent banner," and read an address to the regiment, which would be reprinted in Lancaster's newspapers (read it here). Col. Hambright replied and accepted the flags, pledging "these splendid colors shall be borne by the stoutest arm to the thickest of the conflict, there to remind us of fond friends in our native county, to revive the most pleasing memories, and stimulate us to true, exalted, and patriotic duty." Starkweather and Negley followed with addresses to the soldiers' delight.

79th PA Monument
Featuring incident with
Lancaster flag at the
Battle of Chickamauga
(PA at Ch. & Ch.)

Following that, according to Company E soldier Elias H. Witmer, "Three hearty cheers were then given by the brigade--and thus closed one of the happiest days in the eventful history of the Seventy-Ninth." (DEE, 3/12/1863) Captain Morris D. Wickersham agreed writing, "Home, kindred, society--all were remembered. The day was truly a happy one, and we returned to Camp uttering, 'Long live the good people of Lancaster.'" (Intel, 3/17/1863)

The stand of flags replaced what I believe were more generic colors given by Gen. Negley in November 1861 and/or April 1862. The situation is confusing given a controversy over regimental numbering between the 77th and 79th Pennsylvania in 1861 and I have found no evidence that the regiment carried what is listed as the "First State Color" was ever used. The Lancaster flags were carried through the Battle of Chickamauga, where they were NOT captured*. At Chickamauga, it was one of these flags that Corp. William F. Dostman was mortally wounded carrying in an incident that provided inspiration for regimental monument. The flags were sent back to Lancaster after much use in 1864, and became a prized possession of GAR Post 84 in Lancaster to which many 79th PA veterans belonged. Sadly, the post was destroyed by fire on February 10, 1910, and the flags were lost.

* Reports of the capture of the 79th Pennsylvania's colors stem from an error in Confederate official reports of the Battle of Chickamauga (p. 154). Various officers listed the 77th Indiana or Illinois and 79th Pennsylvania when they really meant 79th Illinois and 77th Pennsylvania. Other Confederate reports correctly list the 77th Pennsylvania as having its flag captured.

Capt. Sigmund E. Wisner
79th Pa Officers Oval, Mathew Brady, 1865

Name: Sigmund E. Wisner
Birthplace: August 31, 1839 (Marietta, Lancaster County, Pennsylvania)
Occupation: Teacher, Postmaster, Grocer
Church/Religion: Methodist Episcopal
Political Beliefs: Republican
Term of Service: Private, 4/24-7/31/1861 with Company A, 10th PA Infantry; Sergeant, Sergeant Major, 1st Lieutenant, Captain, 9/23/1861-7/12/1865 with 79th Pennsylvania
Notable Events: Visit to Marietta in January 1864, Wounded in Battle of Atlanta
Post-war: Teacher, Postmaster
Death: (>1910) Exact date and burial location unknown.

One of the soldiers in the 79th Pennsylvania to pick up his pen midway through the war and begin sending letters for publication in the hometown newspaper was Sigmund E. Wisner, then a sergeant in Company E. Besides recounting the events around Murfreesboro, Tennessee, in the first half of 1863, Wisner also reflected on the war's greater meaning and historical context. The front page of the May 16, 1863, edition of the Weekly Mariettian even featured a lengthy feature article, "The Present War," contributed by Wisner while in camp near Murfreesboro. He began with the Pilgrims' landing at Plymouth and traced the nation's history to secession in 1860, and described the war's cause as follows:

The southern States have always cherished negro slavery as a favorite institution, with the mistaken idea that wealth forms the great dividing line in society. Thus the opulent became the aristocracy, and the poorer class are placed on a level with the slave. To make this distinction known to the world has been one of the chief aims of this rebellion. In the northern States, where the labor is performed by the mass, there is a dependent relation existing between the employer and the employed; in this way labor is elevated and becomes honorable. The northern people believing slavery to be socially and politically wrong, opposed its extension; this gradually produced a spirit of alienation between the north and south; and being constantly agitated in the halls of Congress by radicals of both sections led to a final seperation; on the part of the southern States, South Carolina was the first to pass the ``ordinance of secession,'' and declare herself out of the Union.

This is a useful quote for its articulation of the "median" Republican opinion of the war. Slavery was wrong not so much as a violent system of racial ordering but as a production system that destroyed the dignity of labor and the opportunity of the laborer to claim its reward. The was very much about economics, as slavery was very much a system of production.

At the time of the firing on Fort Sumter, Sigmund Wisner had just begun a twelve-week school session, which was advertised at a rate of $2 for primary students and $3 for second students. He cut the term short to join the "Maytown Infantry" (Co. A, 10th Pa Infantry) on April 24, 1861 [Intel 5/7/1861; Pa Card File]. Upon his return after the regiment's three-months service, Wisner joined many other Lancaster County teachers in the "Normal Rifles" as fifth sergeant. Better known as Company E, 79th Pennsylvania, the company was recruited mostly out of Mountville and Millersville, where a college to train teachers had been established a couple years earlier.

Wisner received regular promotions, reenlisting as a veteran in 1864 and attaining a promotion to captain of Company F by the end of 1864. He was wounded in the attack on Atlanta, but finished the war in the field with the regiment. Wisner continued writing to the Weekly Mariettian, and I count a total of nine letters between January 1863 and June 1864. You can find them online at Pennsylvania Civil War Era Newspaper Collection.

In addition to serving for almost the entire duration of the war, Wisner stands out as one of Lancaster County's most active veterans. He served on the committee in charge of erecting the Soldiers and Sailors Monument in Lancaster, which was completed in 1874 and still stands today on Penn Square. When the regiment met for its first reunion on October 8, 1877 (fifteen years after the Battle of Perryville), Wisner gave a history of the regiment. Wisner's handwritten copy is now in the possession of the Heinz History Center in Pittsburgh. Furthermore, Company E was unique in that it hosted its own three-day camping trips led by Thomas Hambleton for survivors in the 1890s and 1900s, and Wisner joined in at these reunions.

Google Books and digitized newspapers provide a good list of Wisner's postwar activities, including:

A couple weeks ago, I was excited to read an interesting article by Nancy Plumley in the Journal of the Lancaster County Historical Society highlighting letters exchanged between siblings of the Rakestraw family in Bart Township, Lancaster County. The letters give insights into daily life on a farm in 1865, as well as the social network of Quakers in Southern Lancaster County that included some of the most ardent abolitionists and participants in the Underground Railroad.

From Bart Township Map, Bridgens' Atlas, 1864, showing location of farm of William L. Rakestraw

The family of interest is that of William L. Rakestraw (1813-1869) and Sarah S. (Sugar) Rakestraw (1814-1906). Their farm stands just south of where Mt. Pleasant Rd. crosses over the Enola Low Grade Line in Bart Township (two farms away from Middle Octorara Presbyterian Church, where Capt. Samuel Boone was buried after his death at the Battle of Perryville). William's activities with the Underground Railroad earned him a couple mentions in Robert C. Smedley's 1883 History of the Underground Railroad in Chester and the Neighboring Counties of Pennsylvania, and Sarah's family was involved as well. They had four children, including John Sugar Rakestraw, the recipient of the letters in Plumley's article.

I also found the article interesting as many of the names mentioned in article are those in a cartes-de-visite album listed on Ebay that I acquired back in 2007. Based on the labeling of "aunts" and "uncles" and conversations with Nancy Plumley, the album likely belonged to William and Sarah's youngest daughter, Abbie (1854-1929). It contains 20 photos--15 identified--mostly of John S. Rakestraw's aunts and uncles and presumably family friends. Tax stamps on the back of many of the photos allow us to date most of the photos to the mid-1860s.

Here are some highlights of the individuals depicted, with information from Nancy Plumley, Ancestry.com, and Smedley's book:

Joshua Gilbert. Gilbert (1801-1876) was a pump maker with a farm east of Quarryville. In the 1830s, hee employed fugitive slave William Wallace, before William Wallace went to work for Gilbert's neighbor and brother-in-law, Henry Bushong. At Bushong's farm, Wallace lived in a tenement house with his family. That house was the site of later confrontations with slave catchers and a subsequent jailing that got the Fulton Opera House its underground railroad designation.

Thomas and Susan (Barnaby) Rakestraw. Thomas Rakestraw (1811-1886) and Susan Barnaby (1806-1874) married in 1835 at the Bart Friends Meeting in Lancaster County and moved to Ohio soon afterwards. Their second child, William L. Rakestraw, graduated from or was a law student at Mt. Union College, and served as a captain in the 19th Ohio Infantry. He died in camp of diphtheria in 1861 One wonders about the conversations within Quaker families about the war, and how they balanced their abolitionism and pacifism. Even in the 79th Pennsylvania, we have several examples of soldiers from Quaker families enlisting. See, for example, a previous post on another network of Quaker families in Drumore Township near Liberty Square with two soldiers in Company E, 79th PA.

First block of S. Duke St., c. 1865
Stereoview by William Gill

On Sunday, June 30, I will be debuting a presentation on the Normal Rifles (Company E, 79th Pennsylvania) during Trinity Lutheran Church's Forum Hour. Trinity's pastor, Timothy Mentzer, asked me to give a talk about something related to the Civil War, and I thought focusing on one company through the war would be the best way to give a perspective on what the war meant to those who experienced it. All are welcome to attend the presentation, which begins at 9:45 a.m. in the Fondersmith Auditorium of Trinity Lutheran Church, 31 S. Duke Street, Lancaster. Hopefully, I'll be giving this talk on many more occasions in Lancaster County, as well.

The talk will focus on the stories of ten soldiers of Company E, 79th Pennsylvania, which was known as the "Normal Rifles" for its connection to the State Normal School at Millersville. We'll learn about their backgrounds, the events in which they participated between 1861 and 1865 from the perspective of their families and friends in Lancaster, and how they shaped the war's memory. I'll try to include as many pictures and connections to modern-day Lancaster as possible. The ten soldiers whom I have selected for their diverse experiences and for which the records they left are:

Morris D. Wickersham
Sigmund E. Wisner
Edwin K. Martin
Elias H. Witmer
Stephen S. Clair
Thomas B. Hambleton
William L. Lamborn
Reuben C. Long
George M. Delp
Michael W. Brandt

I hope to see you on Sunday!

Note: See last year's presentation, which focused on a wartime history of Trinity Lutheran Church, here.

Donation list appearing in July 14, 1863, Daily Evening Express

In the weeks after the Battle of Gettysburg, Lancaster's citizens responded liberally to the need for hospital goods in Gettysburg. The Patriot Daughters of Lancaster sprang to action, collecting goods from Lancaster and surrounding towns (and then taking them to Gettysburg and serving as nurses, but that's another story). The Daily Evening Express supported their work by printing daily lists of donors and their gifts that filled column after column in July 1863. I noticed one in particular from Drumore Township in southern Lancaster County, and recognized a few of the names from a photo album that is one of my favorite items in my wife's and my collection. Since going through that list took my on a few research tangents, including one related to the underground railroad, here's a post matching that list with a few photos and biographical notes.

Detail of Bridgens 1864 Atlas map of Drumore Township showing area around Liberty Square

Rachel S. Smith
Photo by T&W Cummings, Lancaster

This particular donation list appeared in the July 14, 1863, Daily Evening Express, and contains the names of many residents from near Liberty Square in Drumore Township (not far from the Susquehanna River) populated by Quaker, Scots-Irish, and African-American families. Acting on the Patriot Daughters' behalf, Rachel S. Smith collected dried fruit, preserves, and hospital supplies from about forty of her neighbors. Rachel lived with her father, Joseph Smith, a wealthy Quaker farmer, on their farm near where Susquehannock State Park is today.

Little else is known about these donations, but I was excited to find Rachel's photograph in a CDV album I purchased on Ebay a couple years ago. That album mostly depicts the extended family of her cousins, Annie and Edwin Shoemaker, and their spouses, John B. and Margaret F. Kensel, who were also siblings. Most individuals in the album belonged to the Drumore Friends Meeting at Liberty Square. The women's well-fitted bodices, full and pleasingly-shaped skirts, and elegant trim--as well as the Philadelphia backmarks of almost all images--testify to a level of prosperity enjoyed by this neighborhood of southern Lancaster County farmers.

It turns out that Rachel (1825-1904) also had interesting stories to tell, as her father's farm was one of the most important Underground Railroad stops in Lancaster County. African-American drivers working for her father would take produce to Baltimore and have the chance to interact with slaves and spread knowledge of a network to escape. Rachel even became involved, and is mentioned in Robert Smedley's History of the Underground Railroad for once accompanying slavecatchers executing a search warrant to search her father's house. We also have this very interesting account (p. 231) attesting to the importance of her family's role:

In October, 1859, Joseph's daughter Rachel visited Niagara Falls, and registered at the Cataract house. The head waiter, John Morrison, seeing her name and residence upon the book, approached her one day and politely made apology for intruding himself; but said he would like to ask if she knew a man named Joseph Smith in Pennsylvania. She replied that he was her father. He continued, "I would like to tell you about the poor fugitives I ferry across the river. Many of them tell me that the first place they came to in Pennsylvania was Joseph Smith's. I frequently see them when I visit my parents at Lundy's Lane. Many of them have nice little homes and are doing well." He ferried some across the river during two of the nights she was there.

Emmeline Smith
Photo from Larkin Gallery, Philadelphia

Rachel Smith's sister-in-law, Emmeline Smith (nee Tennis) also appears on the list, having donated "1 shirt, 2 bags peaches, 1 pot sauce, rusk." Emmeline's husband, George Smith, is listed in Pennsylvania records as one of six conscientious objectors from Drumore Township. See this link for a biographical portrait of their son, Gerritt Smith.

The third woman on the list who also appears in our photo album is Emeline Shoemaker (nee Lamborn), daughter of Smedley Lamborn, who had a farm near Joseph Smith and is linked to the Underground Railroad (see biography of his son, George). Emeline donated two cans of fruit, two shirts, and a roll of muslin. Three of her siblings are included in the album, including William Lewis Lamborn, who fought with Company E, 79th Pennsylvania, and Mary Elizabeth Lamborn, who married Thomas B. Hambleton of the same unit. Interestingly, their older brother, Aquilla Lamborn, is another one of the six conscientious objectors from Drumore Township.

Emeline Shoemaker
Photo by I. R. Bishop, Philadelphia

The goods collected by Rachel Smith were likely forwarded to the Patriot Daughters' outpost of mercy, Christ Lutheran Church in Gettysburg, to be distributed to the wounded soldiers of the Second Division, First Corps, of the Union Army (although the could have very easily been donated to another location in need, as well). I don't know of any of the women mentioned going to Gettysburg as nurses, but the donations show how a Quaker community in one corner of Lancaster County responded to the battle and provide an opportunity to learn about a family network with deep connections to abolitionism and the Underground Railroad.

This post is written with a special thanks to Maureen Lane and Maddie Frye of the Phillips Museum of Art for their kind help in allowing me to visit the archives to see the sword and to Rick Abel for the clues that he dug up from over twenty years ago.

Presentation Sword, Sash, and Belt of Col. Henry A. Hambright
Phillips Museum of Art, Franklin and Marshall College

It's hard to think of an artifact that better facilitates telling the story of Lancaster and the Civil War than a presentation sword that the non-commissioned men and officers of the 79th Pennsylvania purchased and presented to Col. Henry A. Hambright in May 1863. As far as I'm aware, that sword has never been displayed publicly since it left Hambright's possession. On Monday morning, I got to see that sword for my first time when local collector Rick Abel and I visited the Phillips Museum of Art at Franklin and Marshall College.

Col. Henry A. Hambright
(No Backmark)
Richard Abel Collection

I had actually known of the sword's existence for a while due to its being mentioned in a law journal summary of a dispute over Hambright's estate and money for his wife, who was declared a lunatic in the days after her husband's death [PA State Reports, v. 169, p. 57]. Specifically, his presentation sword was left to the Lancaster Linnaean Society, whose collection became part of Franklin and Marshall College (and largely ended up as the North Museum). The sword's fate was unclear, however, through the institutional transitions over the twentieth century. When I met with Rick Abel in December 2011, he mentioned that he had seen it in the basement of one of F&M's buildings under an inch of dust in the early 1990s. I sent emails out to various people at F&M who I thought might know something about the sword, and Maureen Lane, curator of the Phillips Museum of Art, responded saying she might know something about it. We set up an appointment, and the sword and case were out and waiting for Rick and me when we arrived! (I wish all historical mysteries were this easy to solve and all museums were this helpful.)

Going back to 1863, the sword's story begins with widespread acclaim for Col. Hambright's leadership of the regiment through its first battles at Perryville and Stones River. It is unknown when the effort to purchase a presentation sword for Hambright began, but his two-week furlough in April 1863 visit to Lancaster certainly would have provided a convenient time for the effort to get underway. The non-commissioned officers and men of the 79th Pennsylvania pooled together money to buy the sword as a testament of respect for their colonel. The sword arrived in camp and was presented to Hambright in a special ceremony on May 27, 1863. Sergt. Sigmund E. Wisner described the sword and accompanying items in a letter to the Weekly Mariettian [6/13/1863]:

The non-commissioned officers and privates of the 79th have purchased a magnificent sword, accompanied with a belt, sash, set of spurs, and a pair of gauntlets, for Col. Hambright. The whole is enclosed in a rose-wood box, and is valued at nearly $400. The blade of the sword is composed of Demascus steel, and is slightly ornamented in gold and bears the inscription "God and my Country;" the hilt is set with rubies and a silver goddess of liberty with a rubic clasping a mantle over his breast, forms the gripe. The scabbard is heavily plated with gold, finely chasted, and and has inscribed on it, `"Presented to Col. H. A. Hambright, by the non-commissioned officers and privates of his regiment as a testimonial of their esteem for gallant conduct at the battles of Chaplin Hills, Ky., October 8, 1862, and Stone river, January 2, and 3, 1863."

The sword was sent back to Lancaster shortly thereafter and displayed in the window of one of the stores on Centre Square. In my next post, I'll examine the speeches made during the presentation, as well as Hambright's relationship with the Lancaster community, especially the families of his soldiers, around this time In the meantime, enjoy the pictures of a beautiful set of artifacts. Hopefully, they'll have a chance to once again be put on display in Lancaster for the community to appreciate.

Battle of Chickamauga, Morning of Sept. 19, 1863 (Source)
The 79th Pa belonged to Baird's Division.

During the Battle of Chickamauga on September 19-20, 1863, the Lancaster County Regiment fought a battle in which it incurred significant casualties for the second time. Although the 79th Pa's casualty total compared to that of Perryville, the regiment experienced battle in a dramatically different way at Chickamauaga. While at Perryville the regiment stood its ground on an open hillside for an entire afternoon against repeated Confederate attacks, chaos, confusion, and dense woods defined Chickamauga.

The campaign that culminated in the Battle of Chickamauga began at the end of August as Gen. William S. Rosecrans' Army of the Cumberland -- spurred on by Washington -- crossed the Tennessee River and ventured towards Georgia. Mountainous terrain presented significant logistical challenges, and it would be much more difficult to get supplies now that the army's supply pipeline from Nashville was restricted. Just after noon on September 12, the regiment reached the summit of the Lookout Mountain range as it passed through Stevens Gap. While the 79th Pa was enjoying majestic vistas, Gen. Rosecrans realized that his army was scattered, split by the mountain range, and vulnerable to a counterattack. He set out to concentrate his army and withdraw northward through a valley to Chattanooga, Tennessee.

September 19, Late Morning

Brig. Gen. J. C. Starkweather
(Source)

The Battle of Chickamauga began in earnest on the morning of September 19 when Gen. George H. Thomas, commander of the Fourteenth Corps (which included the the 79th Pa) dispatched one of his divisions to attack a Confederate brigade rumored to be trapped on the west side of the Chickamauga Creek. A fight escalated as combatants requested reinforcements and both sides committed more men to the fight. The second division that Gen. Thomas committed was Brig. Gen. Absalom Baird's, which included the 79th Pennsylvania (in a brigade commanded by Brig. Gen. John C. Starkweather). Starkweather's brigade advanced behind two other of Baird's brigades. Although listed as having an effective strength of 424 men and 21 officers, around 350 men were present with the regiment on September 19 to go into battle. Starkweather's brigade moved in support of Baird's other brigades until Gen. Thomas ordered him to move to the left to relieve a brigade in another division.

While advancing through dense woods towards the fight that was supposed to be to the east, Confederates marching northward slammed into Starkweather's brigade just north of the intersection of Brotherton and Alexander's Bridge Roads. Starkweather tried to wheel right and form a semicircle to confront the enemy. As the front right regiment on the advance, the 79th Pennsylvania bore the brunt of the attack. The recently promoted Capt. William S. McCaskey -- who led Companies A and B as skirmishers -- recounted, "We had not moved far, before we were completely flanked, and surprised. I had charge of the skirmishers, but had not gotten them into position before they received a murderous fire from the enemy." McCaskey tried to rally the skirmishers, but the rest of the line withered, unable to do anything about the Confederates firing on their right flank. Starkweather's adjutant-general, Lieut. Charles Searles, was shot in the breast and fell from his horse. The Union soldiers got off at most three or four shots and fled to the rear. The Confederates did not advance far, though, as they were struck in their flank and rear by adjacent Union brigades.

Capt. William S. McCaskey
(Richard Abel Collection)

In these brief disastrous moments, the regiment took most of its casualties during the battle (according to McCaskey). Captain Louis Heidegger of Company F fell mortally wounded. Captain Abraham Godshalk of Company H was wounded in the leg, which was soon amputated. Lieuts. James Benson and Charles Madden were both wounded. From a historian's perspective, it is sad to note that this action silenced the pen of the regiment's active and articulate soldier-correspondent, Corp. Elias H. Witmer. Witmer was wounded in the thigh and left behind as the regiment hastily retreated, never to be heard from again. Others left on the field would later be retrieved, including Cyrus Tool and Corp. Charles W. Wiley of Company B.

Eventually, the pace of the retreat slowed as the 79th Pennsylvania gained some distance from the spot of the their rout. Lieut. John M. Johnston, in command of Company G (which served as the color company) recalled, "Our pace slackens. I keep near the colors, and try to gather the stragglers around them; but my heart's in my mouth. I feel more like crying than anything else." Gen. Starkweather began to regain control of his brigade. Johnston continued, "

But now Starkweather's stentorian voice is heard trying to rally the men. He orders the colors to halt and face to the front. I spring to the side of the boy who is carrying the striped flag and face him about, calling on Adjutant [Lyman] Bodie to stop the bearer of the blue flag who is still further to the rear. But the blue flag still goes to the rear, till Starkweather dashes forward with an oath and drawn sword and orders the color bearer back into line. And now a reorganization of the regiment rapidly commences.

Note: See the Chickamauga section of the "Battle Files" page for sources. Also, see the Civil War Preservation Trust's map of the morning fight for another visual resource.

Event Details:

Union Warriors: A Lancaster County Company Fights the Civil War by Vince Slaugh

Friday, November 22, 2013, 4:00pm-5:30pm

Lancaster County Historical Society (LancasterHistory.org)

230 North President Avenue, Lancaster, PA 17603

http://lancasterhistory.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=44&Itemid=53

This presentation follows the wartime experiences of a group of ten soldiers from Lancaster County who joined Company E, 79th Pennsylvania, nicknamed the "Normal Rifles" for their connections to the Millersville State Normal School. Using photographs and their own words, we will learn about their backgrounds, the battles they fought, their connections to the home front, and where we can see their legacy in Lancaster today.

On Friday, November 22, I will be giving the latest iteration of my presentation, Union Warriors: The "Normal Rifles" Fight the Civil War, at the Lancaster County Historical Society. There will be a social gathering with light refreshments beginning at 4:00pm, and the presentation starts at 4:30pm. My presentation will follow ten soldiers of Company E, 79th Pennsylvania, through the war, and try to understand their lives and places in the community before and after the war. In this version of the presentation, I will highlight people with connections to the Lancaster County Historical Society through involvement in its early days (e.g. Lieut. Samuel L. Hartman) or through items donated to its collections (Pvt. Reuben Long).

While many aspects of the Civil War's military and political history have long been the subject of microscopic attention, I believe we still lack a fundamental understanding of how individuals and communities experienced the war. This presentation serves as a case study for understanding what the war meant to one community: How did existing social networks translate to Civil War armies? Why did soldiers enlist? How were soldiers' families cared for? How did soldiers stay connected to the home front? What happened to the wounded? How did communities mourn and remember the dead? How did soldiers on the battlefield attempt to influence life at home?

As historians have pondered the future of Civil War history, some -- in particular, Peter Carmichael of Gettysburg College -- have proposed a new "nation at war" paradigm for understanding the war and its ability to both provide an opportunity for people make heroic sacrifices for the nation and senselessly rob people of their humanity through horrific suffering. Ensuing discussions on blogs centered around how the National Park Service should interpret this on battlefields, and that's a complicated question. What's straightforward, though, is that communities like Lancaster and Millersville/Mountville provide an extraordinary opportunity for us to find a "usable past." Monuments, cemeteries, farms, intersections, institutions, churches, and homes in the community around us offer tremendous chances to interpret the sacrifice and suffering that came with the Civil War. And that's what I hope to show by focusing on the stories of ten soldiers of Company E, 79th Pennsylvania.

I hope to see you on Friday. If you get a chance, please introduce yourself and your interest in Lancaster's Civil War history.

While visiting Lancaster over Christmas, I found a present with my name on it sitting beneath my wonderful in-laws' Christmas tree containing two rather interesting photographs. The photos were part of William L. Gill's "Stereoscopic Home Views," a set of 133 three dimensional photos of Lancaster City and County sold commercially around 1866-1867. See previous posts (Lancaster City photos, Lancaster County photos) for another ten of these photos from my collection, as well as some of the 10-20 that I've seen on Ebay and another 10-20 in the Denis Collection at NY Public Library.

The first of these images has great clarity and contrast, and depicts an unidentified farm lane with three men in the foreground and a handsome farmstead on a ridge in the background. It is labeled "Road Scene" and is #39 in the series.

"Road Scene" by William L. Gill (vws)

As stereoviews, the photographs are much more impressive when viewed through a stereoviewer (which I have done). However, you can get some of the effect by viewing the image as an animated GIF with alternating left-right images. Here is "Road Scene" as an animated GIF:

The second image is of the ruins of the Columbia-Wrightsville Bridge, famously destroyed on June 28, 1863, to stop the Confederate advance. It's not quite as clear as the "Road Scene" image, but is interesting nevertheless for its content. It is #10 in Gill's series and labeled "Columbia Bridge Piers."

"Columbia Bridge Piers" by William L. Gill (vws)

And that same image as an animated GIF...

These images stand out as part of a rather remarkable collection that visually documents Lancaster's urban and rural landscapes in the 1860s. It seems to be only a matter of time until someone in Lancaster does a then-and-now exhibit with these fascinating 3D photos, but as far as I know the Gill photographs are largely missing from historical collections in Lancaster.

View from Lookout Mountain by George N. Bernard in February 1864 (Source)

Catching up with the 79th Pennsylvania as 1863 turned to 1864, we find them celebrating Christmas and New Years on the summit of Lookout Mountain near Chattanooga, Tennessee. Although the food was more or less limited to sauerkraut and mess pork, the officers of the Lancaster County Regiment were invited to enjoy balls thrown by the 78th Pennsylvania and 21st Wisconsin while the 79th Pa's celebrated regimental band provided the music. In his diary entry for Christmas, Sgt. William T. Clark of Company B recorded, "Tonight there are several balls, a colored one at Gen. Starkweather’s Hd. Qrs. The soldiers on Lookout have won & citizens on Missionary Ridge giving one to soldiers."

The regiment spent most of its time drilling on frozen ground and enduring winter storms. Gen. John C. Starkweather inspected the regiment, and the regiment drilled to the compliments of an agent of Pennsylvania Governor Andrew Curtin to look after the Keystone State soldiers' comfort. On January 15, the regiment exchanged its muskets for new and used Enfield rifles. The most excitement occurred when Capt. McBride led a force of over 100 men from the regiment on a two-day expedition over January 6-8 to move a local Union-sympathizing woman, Mrs. Wilson, and her possessions from her residence somewhere near the Chickamauga battlefield to safety with a friend. Here are Clark's diary entries from that expedition:

Wed., Jan. 6th
100 men, 8 Corps., 5 Sergts., Lieuts. (Hubley) Benson & Nixdorf & Capt. McBride in charge, leave at 6½ A.M. with two days rations. Went to Brigade, then to Corps Hd. Qrs., waited in town untill 8½ A.M., then started with Mrs. Wilson as guide to go within 4 miles of Ringgold to bring her family & personal property to live with a friend on the east side of & near Chickamauga Creek. Guide didn’t know the road we took wrong one. Came to Chickamauga Creek at Mill where Bragg burned bridge on road to C. Station—tis noon we must go three miles down stream to next bridge where 85th Ills. is doing picket duty. As these are our last pickets it was not prudent to go outside with our small force, therefore we camped untill the morning of
Thurs., Jan. 7th
when we start at 7½ A.M., pass the ruins of C. Station, keep the road over which Bragg retreated. The trail could be easily followed. Broken artillery & wagon wheels, artillery ammunition as well as that for small arms is scattered in profusion along the road. Several unfinished Forts beyond station, also at Graysville a newly graded R.R. intersects the Atlanta Road. Here we take road up creek, march 2 miles to Mrs. Wilson’s house load her things & are returning at 2 P.M. Two cows & calves with colt are the amount of live stock & are brought along. Roads are very bad, heavy mist falling. Mrs. Wilson don’t know where that friend lives to whom she wants to go. When within ½ mile of place let her out to hunt it. We go to camp at 9 P.M., same place as last night. Snowing.
Fri., Jan. 8th
Capt. McBride, Sergt. Carr & forty men take wagons, unload them & return when we start for camp on direct road, pass Orchard Knob and arrive at quarters at 2 P.M. to find that John Bowker who had not been sick more that one week had died (Thurs. Jan 7th) this morning at 1 o’ clock at Regimental Hospital & buried this afternoon at 3 P.M. Received letter of Dec. 29th from Cousin Hugh R. Fulton. Sat., Jan. 9th. Morning very cold. No rations today. There will be none untill a boat comes up.

Soldiers of the 78th Pa
on Lookout Mountain, 1864
(Library of Congress)

Some soldiers took advantage of their time in winter camp on a picturesque mountain to visually document their time in Uncle Sam's army. The Lancaster Daily Evening Express even reported about this in their February 19, 1864, issue:

ENTERPRISING: A Chattanooga letter writer tells of two members of the 78th Pennsylvania who have taken possession of Lookout summit, erected a shed, hoisted up materials over a couple of ladders, and are now reaping an abundant harvest of greenbacks by taking pictures in this elevated locality. The soldiers crowd here in scores to cut hickory canes and grub the gnarled roots of the laurel for pipes and, attracted by the novelty of the matter, cannot resist the temptation to have a picture of themselves. Accordingly they "strike an attitude" on the extreme verge of a cliff, twenty two hundred feet above the level of the Tennessee, either defiant and warlike or amusing and abstracted, as their genius prompts, and the man of chemicals does them in "melainotype" for three dollars, and sells them a fraim to put it in for five, and all in the short space of about ten minutes.

At least one of those pictures -- of Pvt. Henry McCollum, Company B, 78th Pa, and friends -- exists today as part of the Library of Congress's collection.

The most pressing issue was their reenlistment as veterans, an issue that the army hoped to resolve during the winter lull rather than at a critical moment in the middle of a campaign. If three-fourths of the regiment reenlisted, the 79th Pennsylvania would continue to exist, and the veterans would receive special "veteran status" (designated by a chevron the sleeve), a bonus, and a 30-day furlough. The initial response was muted, with some other regiments already headed home on furlough before a significant number of men in the 79th Pennsylvania reenlisted. Colonel Hambright addressed the regiment on January 25, and acting regimental commander Capt. Jacob Gompf continued to promote it. By January 27, Clark noted, "Interest on the increase relating to the Veteran Service. 22 members of Co. B upon the list this evening." Despite his father's objections owing to his not being "able to attend to the affairs at home," Clark put his own name on the list on February 5, which then had 233 names. By February 8, the regiment surpassed the three-quarters threshold and was sworn is as veterans. A hard-earned furlough in Lancaster would be in the regiment's future.

Two letters, presumably by Hospital Steward John B. Chamberlain, appeared in the Express and elaborate on these events:

My wife and I beside French Creek at Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site, June 2013 (Tintype by Jim Pfeiffer)

Once or twice a year, my wife and I have the opportunity to participate in a living history event in which reenactors partner with a historical site to interpret a specific historical event. My wife savors the opportunity to assemble a high-quality wardrobe, and I generally enjoy doing some of the background research about a particular person, place, and time. Neither of us are big fans of "first-person" portrayals where we pretend to be a person in the 1860s, but we're happy to do it if it enables us to do something special with costumes, material culture, biography, and history.

This year, we are planning to return to Hopewell Furnace National Historic Site on May 16-18, 2014, in Elverson, Pennsylvania (~20 miles east of New Holland). The theme of the event is "Enduring the Storm: Hopewell 1864," which excites me as an opportunity to research how Northern communities fared in 1864 -- a time of the war that I've read much less about in newspapers. So, I recently had the Daily Evening Express microfilm sent out to Pittsburgh to do some research. I scanned the editions of the newspaper covering May 16-18, 1864, to share with other reenactors and to spark ideas about what to interpret at the event. Here are links to the PDFs:

Going over these newspapers, a few themes emerge that might be worthwhile pursuing as topics to research further and possibly incorporate into the event:

Emancipation as a moral imperative. Instead of talking about emancipation as a military necessity, the possibility of an antislavery amendment brought moral arguments against slavery into pages of the Daily Evening Express, a Republican newspaper. The Express ran an essay entitled "The Demon of Slavery" by Henry Ward Beecher on its front page, and editorialized that the war's objective was now "the merciless mandated, 'Slavery must die!'" Among Lancaster's mainstream Republican community, emancipation was pretty much an afterthought in the rush to war, and then really came up in the context of confusing policy situations in which military found itself in 1862. By 1864, we see that ending slavery went hand-in-hand with winning the war.
Details from the Battles of Wilderness and Spotsylvania. Initial reports had indicated a victory with heavy losses in these first meetings between Grant and Lee, with more clashes expected. More local news -- casualty lists from the Lancaster companies and accounts of the Pennsylvania Reserves in battle -- began to trickle in a couple days after the national news. The five Pennsylvania Reserves companies or two 45th Pennsylvania companies suffered moderate casualties.
Soldiers fairs. News about local soldiers fairs and support for an upcoming fair in Philadelphia filled newspapers for much of the first half of 1864. In addition to raising the morale of and materially aiding local soldiers, they seem to have served to re-energize the Northern populace and provided a welcome distraction as the war dragged on.
Inflation and prices. Trade organizations for hotel keepers and shoemakers made attempts to publish suggested prices as the war raised prices of materials.
Veterans home on furlough. Most had already come home and were back in the field, but a few had their furlough in May. Company G, 9th Pennsylvania Cavalry, was home during this time. Sadly, one of its veterans was killed when jumping off a train at Elizabethtown.
Administration of veterans' bounties. Veterans who reenlisted were promised bounties from municipalities (that received credit for their reenlistment against their draft quota). Families were slow to receive that money, much to the indignation of soldiers who wrote letters of protest.
Preparing for the election of 1864. Newspaper editors talked about the Virginia campaigns and military strategy in the context of campaign strategy. The Union Party (Lincoln's party) would have its convention in the first week of June. With its editorial, "The President and the War," the Express made clear its unwavering support for Lincoln saying, "The country may rely, with unfaltering trust, upon the supreme devotion of the President to the defence of the Government and the suppression of the rebellion. He has never, in a single instance, given the slightest ground for the imputation of being governed by personal ambition, or by any other motive than devotion to the public good."

We'll see how these themes develop over the upcoming weeks and if any would be amenable to interpretation at Hopewell. One of the next steps will be to portray a historical persona. Last year, I portrayed Lancasterian William A. Heitshu, who married Mary Geiger, daughter of an iron master with operations in the region. Geigertown, a crossroads two miles west of Hopewell Furnace, was named after their ancestors, and my wife and I pretended to be visiting the village on our respective business and personal matters. The completion of the Reading and Columbia Railroad gave an excuse to talk about pig iron markets and the pig iron supply chain with some of the other reenactors. Like I said, pretending to be historical persons is silly on some level, but it often gives an excuse for a fun train of research questions. We'll see how our impressions develop this year, and I'll try to give an occasional update as I research the issues facing residents of Lancaster, Berks, and Chester Counties in May 1864.

Libby Prison in Richmond, 1865 (Source)

In this post, I republish an exciting account of David Miles' eleven months in Southern prisons that Miles gave to the editors of the Daily Evening Express upon his parole and return to Lancaster. See the full account here, which was published on August 11, 1864.

Lieut. Col. David Miles
(D. Scott Hartzell Collection, USAMHI)

David Miles, the future lieutenant colonel of the 79th Pennsylvania, was born in Franklin County in 1831. By 1860, he had moved to Lancaster's Northwest Ward to work as a tinsmith with wife Mary and four children. Before the war, he was involved with the Lancaster Fencibles militia and apparently also worked to promote Lincoln's election, as William McCaskey mentions Miles as the marshal of "the great Lincoln Mass Meeting" (as a reference point for a type of hat McCaskey wished to have sent from Lancaster, 2/5/1865). Upon the organization of the Lancaster County Regiment, Miles would take the position of first lieutenant of Company B, 79th Pennsylvania. The departures in 1862 of Captains Kendrick, Duchman, and Druckenmiller opened the path for Miles to become lieutenant colonel, and he led the regiment's left wing with distinction at the Battle of Perryville.

Just after the dark on September 19, 1863 -- the first day of the Battle of Chickamauga -- the 79th Pennsylvania advanced through dense woods to plug a hole in the Union line. Commanding the left wing was Lt. Col. David Miles, who was mounted on horseback after breaking his leg in a fall from his horse back in May. As the Lancaster County Regiment moved forward, a combination of friendly and enemy fire caused the situation to rapidly deteriorate. The line broke and the regiment hastily retreated.

The hobbled Miles found himself dismounted in no man's land with his horse's reins in his hands. He lay on the ground to escape the bullets and eventually remounted after finding a stump to stand on. Due to a faulty sense of direction or the shifting battle lines, Miles rode into what he thought were friendly soldiers, only to be surrounded by Confederate soldiers who demanded his surrender.

For the next month, his fate was a mystery to the remaining soldiers in the 79th Pa, who feared the worst for him and his family. Capt. William G. Kendrick wrote his wife of the situation, "[Miles'] wife has five children and she is not able to walk and has nothing to live on, a terrible condition to be left in, no life insurance." (10/14/1863, emphasis in original) Miles' self-described protege, Capt. William McCaskey, thought it a good idea for his brother to send his sister on a visit to Mrs. Miles to comfort her, but felt confident that Miles would turn up based on reports of another regiment nearby thinking that they saw him on the night of September 19.

By the time news of Miles' capture reached Lancaster and the 79th Pennsylvania, Miles had already spent two weeks as a resident of Libby Prison in Richmond, Virginia. Immediately after his capture on September 19, the Confederates had him and other prisoners march to a rendezvous point ten miles distant. Fellow captives John Shirk of Company E, 79th Pa, and Lieut. John W. Thomas of the 2nd Ohio Infantry* provided the injured Miles with badly needed shoulders to lean on during this march. Miles and other Union soldiers made a journey by train and arrived at Libby prison -- an old tobacco warehouse -- on September 29, 1863.

Diagram of Libby Prison Escape Tunnel, Century Magazine, March 1888

The escape took place on the night of February 9-10, 1864, after weeks of tunneling by imprisoned Union officers. The total number of prisoners to escape was 109, of whom 59 succeeded in reaching Union lines. Miles joined Captain Hardy of the 79th Illinois and broke east for Union lines. The traveled an estimated 60 miles in a circuitous route, aided by local African Americans. While trying to pass the very last line of Confederate pickets, they were recaptured five days after they escaped. Miles was taken back to Libby prison and was confined in a hole for two days, but was spared further punishment due to his illness and rejoined the general prison population.

O'Conner House, Charleston, South Carolina
Stereoview by John P. Soule (1865)

The next chapter in Miles' prison saga involved getting sent to Charleston, South Carolina, as a human shield, which was an upgrade from prisoner in Richmond as far as Miles was concerned. Upset about the bombardment of Charleston by Union forces, the Confederates placed the fifty highest ranking prisoners (which included Miles) in a jail and subsequently a relatively comfortable house in range of the Union shells. Miles claimed not to have felt any great danger but rather enjoyed the ability to purchase from market wagons and even to "play ball and exercise themselves" in a space set aside for that purpose.

Tombstone of David Miles
Lancaster Cemetery

Eventually, the controversy over the bombardment of Charleston and use of human shields came to a resolution, and a special exception to the no prisoner exchange policy allowed the Union officers in Charleston to be exchanged. Miles arrived home in Lancaster in early August 1864. Besides spending time with the editors of the Express to get a full account that was published on August 11, the Lancaster Fencibles -- his old militia unit -- treated him to a supper on August 18. Miles made a celebrated return to the Lancaster County Regiment on the evening of October 29, 1864. Sgt. William T. Clark reported in his diary, "Lieut. Col. Miles looks very well. Crowds are continually around him, hearing of the suffering of Rebel Prisons."

Miles would lead the 79th Pennsylvania or its brigade for most of the rest of the war, most notably commanding a brigade at the Battle of Bentonville, North Carolina, where he was wounded. Overall, he seems to have been a courageous, competent, and highly-esteemed officer. The escape in which he participated gained national attention and provided another welcome positive distraction in what could have been a long winter of 1864 for Northern civilians and soldiers.

Notes:
* Both Shirk and Thomas have their own escape stories. Shirk went off to Danville prison and was part of a similar escape later in February 1864. He left his own account (and is mentioned in an account by John Obreiter of the 77th Pennsylvania), which I will feature in a future post. Thomas successfully reached Union lines in the escape from Libby prison. He was killed in battle on July 20, 1864, near Atlanta.

Photograph of the "Bee" locomotive, built at Norris Locomotive Works in Lancaster, 1867

One of the joys of Civil War research is that any day artifacts can pop up on Ebay and send you on diverse and exciting research paths. Such was the case a couple days ago when a carte-de-visite photograph of a locomotive built in Lancaster showed up in my Ebay searches.

The photograph shows a locomotive named "Bee" and has a backmark identifying it as a product of the Norris Locomotive Works, Lancaster, PA. The locomotive's specifications -- "Cylinders, 20-In. Diameter, 26-In. Stroke, Driving Wheels, 48-In. Diameter" -- and the name of John A. Durgin, Constructor, also appear on the back. There is a reference in the Locomotive Engineers Journal of 1870 to the trading of photographs among different shops, so it seems plausible that this photograph was taken to showcase the work being done in Lancaster.

Backmark of photograph above
"The Norris Locomotive Works, Lancaster, PA."

Prior to the war, the Lancaster Locomotive Works turned out engines from 1853 until it failed during the Panic of 1857 when railroads could not pay for the locomotives that they purchased. The shops lay idle for several years until two of the Norris brothers connected to the Norris Locomotive Works in Philadelphia moved production to Lancaster in late 1863.

The facility was located in the northeastern part of Lancaster City along the railroad on the northeast corner of Plum and Fulton Streets. By June 1865, the works produced one locomotive per week and employed 400 men in Lancaster. A map from 1866 exists in the collections of the Free Library of Philadelphia and shows the facility's six-acre layout with buildings labeled A-L that housed a machine shop, foundry, blacksmith, boiler shop, erecting shop, etc. An article in the June 20, 1866, Intelligencer describes all of these shops in detail.

A Lancaster boy, Henry C. Frazer (1850-1903), who apprenticed at the shop between 1865 and 1868 recalled that many of the locomotives produced in 1865 went into service on the Western Pacific Railroad in California (Railway and Locomotive Engineering, May 1902, p. 208). In 1866, John A. Durgin became Constructor and Superintendent, and the first ten-wheeled locomotives were produced in 1867 for the Pennsylvania and the Allegheny Valley Railroads.

Focusing on these two 2-10-0 "decapod" engines, the locomotives are interesting as prototypes in the first wave of "consolidation" engines that would successfully fill the role of hauling heavy freight. The two 2-10-0 Lancaster engines were the first of that configuration built in the United States and designed by Alexander Mitchell, who had perfected the design of the 2-8-0 engine in 1866. Other correspondents to the Railway and Locomotive Engineering journal provided additional details about the locomotives:

Alexander Mitchell tried to advance on the consolidation with two engines called the "Ant" and the "Bee," which had five pair of drivers connected and a pony truck in front. The engines gave some trouble on curves, so the back pair of drivers were taken out and a pair of small carrying wheels substituted, making the first of the 2-8-2 or Mikado type. Two engines were built by the Norris Locomotive Works, Lancaster, Pa., in 1867. Quite a number of this kind of engines is now used in mountain service. (p. 32, Railway and Locomotive Engineering, January 1907)

Lancaster's locomotive works were closed again in October 1868, perhaps testifying to the volatility of industrial growth in the Civil War era. Surely, some of the returning veterans of the 79th Pennsylvania found employment there upon their return from the war in summer 1865.

The Bee appears to have gone into service on the Lehigh Valley Railroad and was modified in 1883 to a 2-8-2 configuration. The Bee's novelty attracted attention as railroad engineers reflected on their early days in professional journals in the early 1900s, and engravings from those journals document its appearance over the course of its lifetime.

1907 Railway and Locomotive Engineering

Engraving of "Bee" Locomotive

Modification Plan for the Bee, 1883-4
Locomotive Engineering, January 1898, p. 28

CDV of Horse and Buggy by W. H. Heiss taken in Gap, Pennsylvania (vws)

CDV Backmark

For the second time in a week, an interesting transportation-related photograph from Lancaster County appeared on Ebay. First, there was a carte-de-visite of a locomotive built at the Norris Locomotive Works in Lancaster City in 1867, which I wrote about in a post earlier in the week. Then, an image of a horse and buggy carrying two men in front of a barn appeared. Fortunately, I was able to purchase both, and I look forward to doing more research about them and using them to tell the story of life in Lancaster County during the 1860s.

The horse and buggy image was taken by an itinerant photograph named W. H. Heiss, who took pictures at of his "Mammoth Photograph Wagon" in the Lancaster County towns of Strasburg and Gap during the mid-1860s. Because the photograph does not have a tax stamp, it was almost certainly taken before summer 1864 or after summer 1866. A couple of his images pop up on Ebay every year. Several that I have seen are of children with the same hoop rolling toy props as seen in the image below.

The image is also remarkable simple because it was taken outside. I don't know if I can think of an earlier CDV taken in Lancaster outside of a photography studio, although there were some earlier daguerreotypes of Lancaster and photographer William L. Gill started making stereoviews of outdoor scenes sometime around 1866.

CDV of Two Children
by W. H. Heiss, Strasburg, 1865
(David Claudon Collection)

Unlike the "Bee" locomotive photo, it's difficult to guess what message the photograph is trying to convey. Is the focus on the horse or the buggy, or both? Where is the farm? Are these Quaker farmers making a show of their prosperity? Where type of buggy is it, and where was it made? And, of course, who are the men in the photo?

On the evening of March 5, 1864, any soldiers of the 79th Pennsylvania who reenlisted as veterans were relieved of picket duty near Tyner's Station, about ten miles east of Chattanooga. Early the next morning, they left camp and marched to Chattanooga, where they waited for a day before boarding a train for Loiusville. The journey to Louisville took three days, and the 79th Pennsylvania passed many regiments that had just completed their furlough and were heading in the opposite direction.

The regiment arrived in Pittsburgh on the night of March 13, and were treated to splendid supper before boarding another train for an overnight journey east. March 14 was spent completing to journey to Harrisburg, where the regiment spent a day preparing for their return to Lancaster by tending to some long overdue personal grooming. Although the food in Harrisburg was worse than what they got on the front lines, the state legislature acknowledged the regiment's presence by unanimously passing resolutions offered by State Senator Benjamin Champneys of Lancaster.

At 7am on Wednesday, March 16, the 200 or so returning veterans of the 79th Pennsylvania boarded a train bound for Lancaster. They arrived at the Dillerville Yard, where a procession formed led by the 79th Pa's former Lieut. Colonel, John H. Duchman, and marched through town to take part in a grand collation at Fulton Hall. The citizens of Lancaster were certainly prepared for the 79th Pa's return. The Daily Evening Express reported:

Upon their arrival [at Dillerville], the veterans were met and welcomed by an immense crowd of their fellow citizens, and the streets through which they passed were thronged with men, women, and children. The display of bunting was magnificent, and reminded us of the patriotic uprising in 1861, when the demand for flags could not be supplied. The Reception was altogether a magnificent affair, and the veterans after what they witnessed that day can have no doubt of how deeply the People sympathizes with the gallant defenders of the flag of the free.

The officers and men of the 79th looked like veterans as they are. Their soldierly deportment in marching was noticed by every spectator. There was not as much noisy enthusiasm as many expected to witness. the regiment is under strict military discipline, and of course the men received all greetings with the dignity of military silence. The general joy at welcoming home the gallant survivors was mingled with sadness at the memory of the lamented dead. Many once familiar faces were missed from the veteran ranks; and as the torn colors of the regiment passed along, riddled by the deadly missiles of many a battle, we saw the tear start to eyes unused to weep.

At Fulton Hall, five long tables that stretched the hall greeted the veterans. Dr. Henry Carpenter gave a greeting and Rev. F. W. Conrad of Trinity Lutheran Church gave a prayer before Mayor George Sanderson gave a lengthy welcome speech. Private Edwin K. Martin of Company E, 79th Pennsylvania gave a response on behalf of the regiment, and collation concluded with music by the Fencibles Band and the Glee Club.

The joyous occasion was not without controversy, as could be expected given the deep divisions that existed between Lancaster's borderline peace Democrats and its pro-Lincoln Republicans. Rather than describe it in detail, I'll defer to William T. Clark's diary entry for the day:

Took train at apptd. time, met committee on reception at Dillersville (one mile north of Lancaster). We disembarked, marched, halted, Artillery firing as salute to us. Procession formed at 10½ A.M. lead by (our former Lieut. Col.) John H. Duchman. Copperheads following their Copperhead leader. Marched through the different streets of town. Saw many friends. Stacked arms in front of Fulton Hall. Were marched in where a fine collation was spread. This has been done by deception on the part of Copperheads, only a few Patriot Daughters being among them. The Hon. Copperhead Mayor of Lancaster made a speech of welcome which greatly belies his former actions toward all soldiers. Col. H. A. Hambright made a few remarks excusing himself by saying he never made a speech. Ed Martin responded in behalf of the 79th P.V.V. in a splendid speech cutting Copperheads & all others leagued with Treason right & left. It gave many of them the short coughs & made them generally uneasy. We then ate heartily of the dinner prepared. An hour afterwards we fell in & drilled in Centre Square more than an hour, when we returned to the Hall, marched to the upper story, stacked arms & are given leaves of absence untill the 20th when we must answer to our names & receive our furloughs.

For further information, see:

Account in March 17, 1864, Daily Evening Express
Account in March 22, 1864, Intelligencer
Account in March 29, 1864, Intelligencer

"The Soldier's grave" (HW, 11/5/1861)

Over at Civil War Memory, Kevin Levin comments on a recent article, "The Great Exaggeration: Death and the Civil War," by Nicholas Marshall in the Journal of Civil War History. Marshall reappraises the significance of the Civil War death toll, arguing that it wasn't all that different from death before and after the war. After reading the article, I have major issues with the statistical framework used in his analysis and found the assertion that one single statistic (i.e., number of deaths) does not give a full picture of societal ramifications to be somewhat obvious. Furthermore, it was jarring to see assertions like "dying of disease in a camp must have seemed distressingly normal" [p. 16] appearing in an academic publications without any evidence or exploration. I was going to comment on Kevin's blog, but instead will use this post to give some thoughts on the topic and connect them to Lancaster and the 79th Pennsylvania.

The article's main argument is that the variability of the death rate was not all that different from pre-war levels. Unfortunately, the author has no sense of the very important relationship between population size and the variability of the death rate. Of course the variability of the death rate will be higher for smaller cities and very low nationally -- the variability of the death rate should decrease with population size. Raw annual changes in the percentage of people who die mean nothing if you're not comparing populations of similar size, and Marshall is comparing that of single cities or states with changes in the national rate. He should have known that something funny was going on when the death rate in Chicago jumped by 300% one year.

He also claims that drops in the male survival rate for the 1860s decade was not significant because, well, it's still within the range of 1/4 and 1/5 -- whatever that means [p. 12]. [Interesting side note: did the female death rate during childbirth increase during the 1860s due to war's claim on medical resources?] We have measures of statistical significance for a reason -- just because you're writing history doesn't mean that you shouldn't use them!

Even within this "change in death rate" framework, there are two other problems: (1) the high casualty rate lasted for three or four consecutive years and was not just a one-year fluke; and (2) although the war spanned four years, combat casualties were concentrated over three years. For Lancaster, it was really 2 years and 9 months (Seven Days Battles in June 1862 though Battle of Bentonville in March 1865). This would make the spike in the death rate look more dramatic, and possibly better point out the scope and scale of the war's trauma.

By the way, I never placed too much stock in the whole "if the death rate was extrapolated to today's population..." meme as a teaching tool; I think the stats speak for themselves. For example, Lancaster County had a population of 116,000 according to the 1860 census. From my knowledge of Pennsylvania volunteer companies recruited in Lancaster, I'd guess around 10,000 men served as soldiers and approximately 1,500 died. The 79th Pennsylvania (9 out of 10 companies from Lancaster) accounts for 268 of those deaths -- which I believe to be reasonably accurate based on reviewing rosters -- according to Dyer (1908). Having these numbers on a county level seems to give better intuition about how death affected a community than national statistics.

Regardless of this considerably flawed statistical analysis, the article does touch on an interesting issue -- the response to death fit into prewar and postwar traditions and did not reflect a fundamental shift. This is an interesting hypothesis to investigate. In my research, I was struck by one particular example that demonstrates how Civil War death fits into an existing framework. When Emanuel Rudy of Company A, 79th Pennsylvania, died a couple days after the Battle of Perryville of a wounded from that battle, hospital steward and newspaper correspondent John B. Chamberlain wrote a letter that appeared in the October 24, 1862, Daily Inquirer:

Poor Emanuel Rudy, whom I reported as wounded in the groin, in the list of Company A, has since died. Poor fellow, I was with him to the last moment. His death strangly reminded me of the last verse in Mr. Norton's "Bingen on the Rhine" that I loved to declaim semi-monthly in my school boy days at the Lancaster High school:

His trembling voice grew feint and hoarse...[continues to quote the poem's last verse]

The point is that Chamberlain relied on an English poet's words about the death of a soldier with the French Foreign Legion in Algiers to make some sense of Rudy's death. A comprehensive look at how the literary and artistic tools for confronting death before the war transferred to the war could be very interesting, if not already done. In particular, I always pay special attention to wartime tombstones in cemeteries as they often offer an artistic richness that shows how people dealt with death during the war, and am curious to know more about that subject. A comparison of different religious newspapers and the ideas (or lack thereof) from religious thought leaders could be particularly illuminating.

Gravestone of Capt. John H. Dysart, Co. C, 79th PA
Woodward Hill Cemetery, Lancaster, PA

However, the poem and the topic of cemeteries point to a way in which death was experienced very differently during the Civil War. Namely, there was no body to bring home to bury. Considering Company E, 79th Pennsylvania, how many bodies of the 26 soldiers who died during the war were brought back to Lancaster? As far as I know, zero. Almost all are in military cemeteries from Louisville to Nashville to Chattanooga to Atlanta to Andersonville to Bentonville, and some even suffered unknown fates on the battlefield and presumed dead. As evidenced by its prominence as a topic in almost every letter after the Battle of Perryville, the inability to bring bodies home for burial significantly frustrated pre-war death rituals. In response, more public forms of commemoration in Lancaster (e.g., Soldiers and Sailors Memorial in Lancaster, erected 1874) and more national ideas about death and sacrifice took hold. This is basically the premise of the PBS documentary from last year, I believe.

So, with some knowledge of statistics and the social mechanics of death in one particular Northern community, I find Marshall's characterization of recent scholarship on death and the Civil War as built on a "great exaggeration" to be unconvincing. Although there are many interesting questions on this subject left to explore regarding the broader context of death in that era, I estimate current scholarship to be more or less on the right track.

One of Penn State's First Grads at the Battle of Stones River

The Lancaster County Regiment at Stones River

79th Pennsylvania Casualties at Stones River

Gen. Rousseau Visits Lancaster

Diary of Capt. E. D. Roath Published

'One of the Happiest Days': New Flags for the 79th Pennsylvania

Better Know a Soldier: Sigmund E. Wisner

A Quaker CDV Album with Underground RR Connections

79th PA Presentation on Sunday at Trinity Lutheran Church

Donations Collected from Drumore for the Patriot Daughters: Photos and Biographical Notes

FOUND: Col. Hambright's 1863 Presentation Sword

"We Would Stand with Anyone, If Properly Taken In": The 79th Pa at Chickamauga, Part I

September 19, Late Morning

Presentation on Fri., Nov. 22, at Lancaster County Historical Society

Event Details:

Two New Gill Stereoviews (Animated as GIFs)

Catching up with the 79th Pa: 'Veteran Fever' on Lookout Mountain

Living History Prep: Researching Pennsylvania in May 1864

Lt. Col. David Miles' Escape from Libby Prison (and his recapture, use as a human shield, and parole)

A Locomotive Built in Lancaster -- The 2-10-0 "Bee" in 1867

Horse and Buggy CDV from Gap, Pa

The Grand Welcome Home

Death and the Civil War